It was really pitiful to hear narrow-minded bigots， pretending to be teachers and leaders of men， so cruelly remanding their own mothers， with the rest of woman-kind， to absolute subjection to the ordinary masculine type of humanity. I always regretted that the women themselves had not taken part in the debate before the convention was fully organized and the question of delegates settled. It seemed to me then， and does now， that all delegates with credentials from recognized societies should have had a voice in the organization of the convention， though subject to exclusion afterward. However， the women sat in a low curtained seat like a church choir， and modestly listened to the French， British， and American Solons for twelve of the longest days in June， as did， also， our grand Garrison and Rogers in the gallery. They scorned a convention that ignored the rights of the very women who had fought， side by side， with them in the anti-slavery conflict. "After battling so many long years，" said Garrison， "for the liberties of African slaves， I can take no part in a convention that strikes down the most sacred rights of all women." After coming three thousand miles to speak on the subject nearest his heart， he nobly shared the enforced silence of the rejected delegates. It was a great act of self-sacrifice that should never be forgotten by women.
Thomas Clarkson was chosen president of the convention and made a few remarks in opening， but he soon retired， as his age and many infirmities made all public occasions too burdensome， and Joseph Sturge， a Quaker， was made chairman. Sitting next to Mrs. Mott， I said：
"As there is a Quaker in the chair now， what could he do if the spirit should move you to speak？"
"Ah，" she replied， evidently not believing such a contingency possible， "where the spirit of the Lord is， there is liberty."
She had not much faith in the sincerity of abolitionists who， while eloquently defending the natural rights of slaves， denied freedom of speech to one-half the people of their own race. Such was the consistency of an assemblage of philanthropists！ They would have been horrified at the idea of burning the flesh of the distinguished women present with red-hot irons， but the crucifixion of their pride and self-respect， the humiliation of the spirit， seemed to them a most trifling matter. The action of this convention was the topic of discussion， in public and private， for a long time， and stung many women into new thought and action and gave rise to the movement for women's political equality both in England and the United States.
As the convention adjourned， the remark was heard on all sides， "It is about time some demand was made for new liberties for women." As Mrs.
Mott and I walked home， arm in arm， commenting on the incidents of the day， we resolved to hold a convention as soon as we returned home， and form a society to advocate the rights of women. At the lodging house on Queen Street， where a large number of delegates had apartments， the discussions were heated at every meal， and at times so bitter that， at last， Mr. Birney packed his valise and sought more peaceful quarters. Having strongly opposed the admission of women as delegates to the convention it was rather embarrassing to meet them， during the intervals between the various sessions， at the table and in the drawing room.
These were the first women I had ever met who believed in the equality of the sexes and who did not believe in the popular orthodox religion.
The acquaintance of Lucretia Mott， who was a broad， liberal thinker on politics， religion， and all questions of reform， opened to me a new world of thought. As we walked about to see the sights of London， I embraced every opportunity to talk with her. It was intensely gratifying to hear all that， through years of doubt， I had dimly thought， so freely discussed by other women， some of them no older than myself杦omen， too， of rare intelligence， cultivation， and refinement. After six weeks' sojourn under the same roof with Lucretia Mott， whose conversation was uniformly on a high plane， I felt that I knew her too well to sympathize with the orthodox Friends， who denounced her as a dangerous woman because she doubted certain dogmas they fully believed.
As Mr. Birney and my husband were invited to speak all over England， Scotland， and Ireland， and we were uniformly entertained by orthodox Friends， I had abundant opportunity to know the general feeling among them toward Lucretia Mott. Even Elizabeth Fry seemed quite unwilling to breathe the same atmosphere with her. During the six weeks that many of us remained in London after the convention we were invited to a succession of public and private breakfasts， dinners， and teas， and on these occasions it was amusing to watch Mrs. Fry's sedulous efforts to keep Mrs. Mott at a distance.
If Mrs. Mott was on the lawn， Mrs. Fry would go into the house； if Mrs.
Mott was in the house， Mrs. Fry would stay out on the lawn. One evening， when we were all crowded into two parlors， and there was no escape， the word went round that Mrs. Fry felt moved to pray with the American delegates， whereupon a profound silence reigned. After a few moments Mrs. Fry's voice was heard deploring the schism among the American Friends； that so many had been led astray by false doctrines； urging the Spirit of All Good to show them the error of their way， and gather them once more into the fold of the great Shepherd of our faith. The prayer was directed so pointedly at the followers of Elias Hicks， and at Lucretia Mott in particular， that I whispered to Lucretia， at the close， that she should now pray for Mrs.
Fry， that her eyes might be opened to her bigotry and uncharitableness， and be led by the Spirit into higher light. "Oh， no！" she replied， "a prayer of this character， under the circumstances， is an unfair advantage to take of a stranger， but I would not resent it in the house of her friends."
